Three biggest problems in Malaysia Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Three biggest problems in Malaysia - Essay Example Malaysia is multi ethnic country that deals with diverse people from different regions of the world. Malaysian economy is evenly distributed in urban areas as well as rural. Hamid et al (2006) repot that Malaysian population floats at 22 million with 55 percent of the population living in urban centers as45 percent dwell in rural areas. Hamid et al (2006) confirms that the main problem faced by Malaysians is the issue of alcoholism. According to Hamid et al (2006), Malaysia ranks at position ten in the lists of countries with the highest consumption of alcohol in the world. In the report of Hamid et al (2006), Malaysia spends $ 500 million per year in the consumption of alcohol with per capita consumption of 7 liters. Hamid et al (2006) unveils that the worst consumers of alcohol are the Malaysian Indians who gallop an average of 14 liters per person on a yearly basis. Hamid et al (2006) repot that the verge of alcohol dependence in Malaysia is 22 years. In addition, Hamid et al (200 6) indicate that alcohol is present everywhere in the economy of Malaysia especially in places like the coffee shops, supermarkets, and sundry, shops and plantation farms altogether. Hamid et al (2006) demonstrates that the trend of heavy alcohol intake in Malaysia is as a result of broad of advertisement channeled to the public through cognizable media houses. Hamid et al (2006) blames on the alcoholic companies like Carlsberg, which uses significant amounts of their profits to intensify advertisements wit attracting the aim of attracting the youth to alcoholism. According to Hamid, et al (2006), most youths in Malaysia start taking alcohol at the age of 18 years. Youths engage in are said to engage in heavy intake of alcohol. Due to high volume of alcohol consumption in Malaysia, many alcohol manufacturing companies have flooded the beverage sector. In the view Hamid et al (2006), the most of the alcohol consumption takes place rural areas. Alcoholism has also been attributed to t he high level of poverty as witnessed in the economy of Malaysia. Heavy consumption of alcohol in the country of Malaysia has resulted to continued insurgence of death cases in Malaysia. Hamid et al (2006) confirm that alcohol manufacturing companies have disguised the nature of their products by indicating medicinal values of their products, which have attracted even women into the intake of alcohol. Hamadi et al (2006) illustrates that heavy alcoholism in Malaysia has led to the rise in cases of concerning family outrage and breakdowns. Hamadi et al (2006) report that increased alcoholism in Malaysia has led to rise of battery of women in the families. Discrimination and infringement of suppressed democracy are the two big problems faced by Malaysia. According to Kuppusamy and Lumpur (2007), several demonstrations have been made by the Indians in Kuala Lumpur on the reasons of rebuking excessive discrimination directed the Indians. The nature of discrimination against Indians in M alaysia has led to underdevelopment of Indian society, as clearly evidenced by poorly structured schools, discrimination against health care benefits and discrimination at the verge of employment opportunities. Kuppusamy (2007) extended to the health sectors and education. Kuppusamy (2007) confirms that the issue of racism and feeling of isolation has resulted to unequal distribution of wealth that has resulted to societal wrangles. Kuppusamy and Lum

Gold Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Gold - Article Example 76). The Spaniards rejected this attempt mainly because gold was at that time contributing immensely to their economy and a victory for the French empire would have amounted to the economic decline of the Spaniards. Germany was not left behind in the fight for gold; it rubbed shoulders with several European states between 1939 and 1941. In this period, Germany invaded cities in the Netherlands, Western Poland, Denmark, Belgium, Norway, and Greece. The major reason why the Hitler led troops carried out such attacks was that they knew that if they took control over the deposits of gold within such regions, they would be regarded as a superpower, not only within Europe but also throughout the whole world. Over and above, gold has since its discovery revolved around various centres of power. In the past, for example, it was regarded with high esteem and was only at the disposal of the great leaders who existed within such generations (McDonald & Gastmann, 2001, p. 119). Those in authority were convinced that the more gold they had, the more powerful they were, hence their decision to control several deposits of

Lafarge Financial Statements Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Lafarge Financial Statements - Case Study Example The trend analysis of Lafarge's P&L statement shows that the increase in company's sales has been stable over the years with a hike in sales by about 17% in 2005. The cost of sales has also been rising with the increase in sales and they have finally mounted by about 17% during the last financial year. It reflects that the percentage change in sales is almost same as the percentage change in cost of sales, however a reduction in depreciation account by 4.1% has magnified the company's gross profit by 22% in 2005. The SG&A have expanded drastically during the year 2005 i.e., by 13% (1.2% in 2004). However, due to a substantial increase in gross profit, the company managed to display a rise in the operating income by about 32%. The company has had a substantial decline in the interest payable for two years, however it seems to have rebuilt during 2005. The company's pre-tax income had declined by almost 3% in 2004, which recovered surprisingly with an increase of 36% in 2005 as compare d to the year 2003. With a 50% increase in net income, the company's retained earnings has flourished by 54% while the dividend distributed have increased by 41%. Thus, an analysis of profit and loss suggests that the company has risen up from the decline that took place in its financial performance in 2004. Three-Year Earning Per Share Analysis EPS 2005 2004 2003 Earning Per Share 6.39 5.16 4.92 "Common shareholders and potential investors in common stock first look at a company's earning record" (Meigs & Meigs, p934, 1993). The EPS analysis of Lafarge's financial statements reflects that the company has had an increasing trend in the earnings per share for the last three years. The company's EPS increased by 4.8% in the year 2004, which further rose by almost 24% in 2005. This sudden enhancement of the company's earnings has also been evident in its P&L statement, which highlights a pleasant reform in the company's financial performance in the year 2005 owing to a drastic increase in sales revenue. EBITDA Analysis EBITDA 2005 2004 2003 Lafarge Group 14.8% 14.7% 14.2% Cement 23.3% 23.0% 23.0% Aggregates & Concrete 7.4% 7.1% 6.3% Gypsum Products 10.3% 9.6% 7.0% Roofing 6.5% 10.0% 9.4% Speciality products -285.7% -128.3% -38.7% EBITDA refers to the Earnings Before Interest, Taxation, Depreciation and Amortization. Therefore this analysis takes into account all the major costs and expenses other than the items mentioned above. The EBITDA margins presented in the above graph reflect a segregated view of the company's earnings in terms of the group as a whole and its subsidiaries (on the basis of products). The group's EBITDA margin represents a stable and subtle rise in the company's earnings, which is a sum up of its subsidiaries. Cement and A&C are also having a stable uplift in earnings, while Gypsum products section is showing a remarkable growth in terms of EBITDA. Roofing's earnings have declined in the year 2005 whereas the specialty products section has had a substantial increase in the declining state of earnings, which

Leadership and Organisational Behaviour Case Study

Leadership and Organisational Behaviour - Case Study Example W.L. Gore & Associates is also known for its ability to develop innovative fabrics and polymer products which can be used for industrial, leisure, electronic and medical purposes (Gore, 2013). The case study will be analyzed on the basis of various theoretical frameworks regarding leadership and organizational behaviour and the researcher will use conjectural view in order to address pertaining issues in the case study. The researcher will mainly use four types of aspects such as leadership theories, team leadership, organizational behaviour and group dynamics in order to analyze the cases study. The researcher will take help of the theoretical argument of various research scholars in order to substantiate the proposed theoretical framework for the cases study and there will be separate literature review in the paper which will present theoretical arguments of various research scholars. In the next part of the paper, pertinent aspects of the case study will be analyzed in the light o f theoretical framework. In the last section, the researcher will recommend some suitable strategies which can help W.L. Gore & Associates to address any future problems in sustainable manner. Paradigms of the Case Study Careful analysis of the case study reveals the fact that the case of W.L. Gore & Associates is exceptional when it comes to comparing work culture in other organizations. The case study was written by considering leadership and organizational behaviour theories such as, 1- mutual trust development in a team, 2- leadership, 3- shared value within the team members, 4- managing a knowledge sharing and organic culture and 5- zest for constant innovation. Now, the question is whether the case study has been succeeded to address all the above mentioned theoretical aspects? Giving answer to the question is not a simple task and neither the researcher is in a position to judge the merit of the case study. However, the case study should be appreciated for its effort to unloc k the success mystery for W.L. Gore & Associates by integrating some of the prominent leadership and organizational behaviour theories. The researcher has found that above mentioned five aspects of the case study needs theoretical consideration in order to analyze the case study in terms of some well established leadership and organizational theories. Hence, the researcher has decided to conduct a literature review in order to explain pertinent aspects of the case study in the light of theoretical judgement of eminent research scholars. Literature Review It is evident from the case study that W.L. Gore & Associates has carefully replaced the concept of managing from external periphery with the concept of self managed individuals who can achieve leadership position by disposing skill and knowledge. Orsburn and Moran (2000) argued that self managed work groups are far more flexible in comparison to bureaucratic structure. Pearce and Manz (2005) pointed out that modern organizations ha ve trying to experiment with the organizational dynamics and organizational culture which can improve their productivity. Pearce and Manz (2005) defined self managed leaders are those who do not need external pressure to achieve the performance objective in workplace rather they

The Current State of Economy in The Division of Labor Essay

The Current State of Economy in The Division of Labor - Essay Example There are three circumstances involved in this belief: increase the dexterity of every worker, time-saving mechanism, and utilization of machines that increase efficiency. Hence, a worker must have enough skill to perform his job and familiarize himself in operating a machine to produce maximum output. Smith cited the case of a pin maker who would likely produce only one pin a day without the two factors mentioned. However, if the concept of division of labor is applied, laborers could specialize in one task alone, which can result in greater productivity. Smith himself has witnessed workers who were inadequately skilled at making pins yet because of the specialized tasks assigned to them, ten workers can produce 48,000 pins in a day. In the end, Smith popularized this principle, which shows that lack of skill nor machines is not really obstacles to productivity. Ever since this has changed the landscape of manufacturing industries as early as the Industrial Revolution. This work by Adam Smith did have a lot of practical value because capitalists made a profit by applying the principle in their businesses.

Cng Crisis in Pakistan Essay Example for Free

Cng Crisis in Pakistan Essay Date: 18. 05. 2013 CHEMISTRY PAPER – II Max. Marks: 17 9:30 a. m. to 9:50 a. m. (Science Pre-Engineering Pre-Medical Groups) Time: 20 minutes SECTION ‘A’ (MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTIONS) – (M. C. Qs. ) NOTE: i) This section consists of 17 part questions and all are to be answered. Each question carries one mark. ii) Do not copy down the part questions in your answerbook. Write only the answer in full against the proper number of the question and its part. ii) The code number of your question paper is to be written in bold letters in the beginning of the answerscript. 1. Select the most appropriate answer for each from the given options: i) The atomic number of an element belonging to group VA and 3rd period is: * 7 * 13 * 15 * 23 ii) Elements of group IB are called: * Normal elements * Rare Earth metals * Coinage metals * Alkali metals iii) Hydride ion and Helium atom have the same: * number of protons * number of electrons * number of neutrons * valency iv) The number of neutrons in Protium is: * zero * 1 * 2 * 3 ) The element having the symbol ‘Ga’ belongs to this family: * Carbon * Nitrogen * Boron * Beryllium vi) On burning in excess of Oxygen, Sodium forms its: * superoxide * peroxide * monoxide * dioxide vii) A mixture of Aluminium nitrate and Aluminium powder is called: * Duralumin * Ammonal * Carnallite * Alum viii) Ca2B6O11. 5H2O is the chemical formula of: * Cryolite * Colemanite * Bauxite * Borax ix) The formula of Hypochlorous acid is: * HOCl * HClO2 * HClO3 * HClO4 x) The metal ion having the highest number of unpaired electrons is: * Mn? 2 * Fe? 2 * Co? 2 * Ni? 2 xi) The chemical name of laughing gas is: Nitric oxide * Nitrous oxide * Nitrogen trioxide * Nitrogen pentoxide xii) This has the minimum hydration energy: * Na+ * K + * Rb+ * Cs+ xiii) Cycloalkanes have the general formula: * C Hn n2 2? * C Hn n2 * C Hn n2 2? * C Hn n2 4? xiv) Glycogen is a: * Monosaccharide * Oligosaccharide * Polysaccharide * Disaccharide xv) This gas was used in the First World war: * Phosgene gas * Mustard gas * Coal gas * Ammonia gas xvi) The hybridization in the Carbon atom of Carbonyl group is: * sp * sp2 * sp 3 * d sp 2 3 xvii) All noble gases fulfill the Octet rule except: * Kr * Ne * He * Ar

How Much Did Stalin Deviate From Marxism?

How Much Did Stalin Deviate From Marxism? Joseph Stalin can be, and has been, interpreted in many different ways; a sadistic terrorist who revelled in the misfortune and pain of his subjects, an egotistical dictator whose every action served to promote his own self-interests, the political servant of Vladimir Lenin, and the man who translated Communism into practical terms. Despite this being a political and ideological study, in the case of Stalin it becomes impossible to consider his interpretation of Marxist-Leninism and his consequent leadership style without judgement of his character. The influence of his personality upon his leadership can be said to a primary motivation for many of the decisions which have been made, including the impact of his tumultuous home life with regards to his wife and children, his desire to assert himself as a credible and important man which was perhaps inspired by his feelings of neglect from his father, and the increasing loneliness that came from his intense paranoia and fear of those a round him. In an ideological sense, Stalins policies are indeed deviations from those which Lenin himself might have implemented, however yet again this may be as a consequence of the differing personalities of the two leaders. This study will aim to assess Stalinism as an ideology up to 1938, the end of The Great Terror and question whether it indeed deviated from Marxist-Leninism, whether it was instead a practical implementation of Communism in which communism principles ran through the core, or whether it was a whole different ideology, brought to power on a false platform of Communism. In order to make such assessments there must be a standard set of what Marxist Leninism is. In the same way that Stalin could be said to have interpreted Marxist-Leninism, Lenin interpreted Marxism. Thus Marxist-Leninism forms a filtered version of Marxs original theories. The key principles of Communism in Marxist terms, as laid out in the Communist Manifesto, written in 1847 by Karl Marx, are as follows; abolition of private property, progressive or graduated income tax, abolition of all rights of inheritance, confiscation of the property of all emigrants, centralisation of credit, national bank and an exclusive monopoly, centralisation of communication and transport, extension of centralisation of factories and production by the state, cultivation of waste-lands and the improvement of the soil, equal liability of all to work, combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries, free education and religion and nationalities will be superseded by the principle of community.   [1]  Following on from this, Lenin proposed that the proletariat can successfully achieve revolutionary consciousness only under the leadership of a party of professional revolutionaries  [2]  , thereby reversing Marxs order of economics over politics  [3]  , where aims are achieved with internal democratic centralism, wherein policy decisions are agreed via democracy and every member must support and promote the agreed party policy, essentially a dictatorship of the proletariat government  [4]  . Lenin agrees with Marxs ideas concerning nationalism and religion, citing them as part of the false consciousness instilled by the bourgeoisie in facilitating exploitation. It was under Lenin the notion of a dictatorial state and a class war came about, marked changes from Marxs own ideologies. As Lenin said, One cannot be a revolutionary Social-Democrat without participating, according to ones powers, in developing this theory [Marxism] and adapting it to changed conditions.   [5]  Thus whilst Marxism heavily influenced Leninism, the latter is a distinctly different adaptation, arguably one which made the October revolution in 1917 possible. Stalinism as a term came to be, in light of one of Stalins associates claim, Lets replace Long Live Leninism with Long Live Stalinism!  [6]  Whilst Stalinism has been said to refer to a style of governance, key principles wherein the supposed deviations from Marxist-Leninism can be found include, economic policy, collectivisation, use of violence, the rise of bureaucracy and the development of the personality cult. Deciphering what Lenin or Marx would have done is impossible, and indeed the term Marxist-Leninism was coined and used by opposing political groups within 1930s Russia as the ideology which they stood to defend. Regardless, this study aims to assess the extent to which Stalinism and the key principles of his rule up to the end of The Great Terror were informed by Marxist-Leninism theology. The new economic policy (henceforth NEP) brought forth by Lenin in 1921, was dramatically overhauled through Stalins wave of economic reforms in the early 1930s. Known as the Great Turn, this saw a total transformation of agricultural and industrial economic handling within Russia. However despite initially provoking criticism from Trotsky and other members of the Left Opposition, who felt a more internationalist approach to revamping the economy would be appropriate, Stalin and Bukharin had been supporters of the NEP, stating that they believed that it was patriotic and would further Soviet influence and impact in the international system  [7]  . The reasons for Stalins apparently hypocritical U-turn may on some levels simply be practical responses to crises and yet can simultaneously be interpreted as Stalins first foray into the development of Stalinism. The NEP had secured the rights of individual peasants to sell their products freely, whether to private traders or to state agencies. Whilst the state controlled all large enterprises, such as factories, mines and railways, small private enterprises (those employing fewer than 20 people) were allowed. The requisitioning of farm produce was in turn replaced by a tax system and the peasants were free to sell their surplus, albeit at a state-regulated price  [8]  . The NEP had been Lenins attempt to ensure the survival of the Communist state following War Communism which had been implemented from 1914 to 1921, to coincide with World War 1 and the Russian Civil War, and to try and rebuild Soviet production to its pre-1914 levels. It is undeniable to regard the NEP as a concession of key communist values, and indeed Lenin himself saw it as a strategic retreat  [9]  . This development of a relative mixed-economy was justified as a form of state capitalism, the last stage of capitalism before socialism evolved.  [10]  The Grain Crisis of 1928 was arguably the impetus for Stalin to revoke the NEP. As more peasants began consuming their own goods, as opposed to purchasing the overpriced ones which the small private enterprises were producing, (Peasants controlled 3,140,000km ², divided into 25 million holdings, producing 85% of the food, but consuming 80% of what the grew  [11]  ), a 2 million ton shortfall of grain occurred in 1928. Requisitioning was launched, leading to a higher expected rate of industrialisation and as a consequence higher agricultural production as more grain was required to feed a growing industrial work force and to pay for imports of machinery through exportation. Collectivisation was escalated beyond the levels of Sovkhozes encouraged during the NEP era. There can be little doubt that revoking the NEP was a deviation from Lenins aims, however questions must be asked about the purpose of such a change, whether Stalin ever supported the policy and to what extent was his ultimate rejection of the NEP was in keeping with Communist principles. The purpose of the change is in practical terms a reaction to the Grain Crisis, arguably caused by the greed of the kulaks. However the forced requisitioning opened the doors to other more revolutionary forms of governance. The persecution of the bourgeois and the kulaks intensified as Stalin encouraged the blaming of them for the short fall in grain and consequent economic situation. Enterprises across the board became subject to greater instruction and supervision as the state steadily expanded state capital accumulation thus developing a forced rate of industrialisation. The internal party regime was further tightened and show trials were resumed against surviving leaders of rival parties. An offensive began against every kind of nationalist tendency. The boundaries of cultural expression were drastically reduced and organised religion became the object of violent assault  [12]  . In his initial input in attempts to rectify the grain crisis, Stalin provided a route for an esca lated governmental involvement, thereby centralising the Russian state, marginalising and persecuting minority groups, and increasing industrialisation expectations. As Service says, Although agriculture had been the focal point of Stalins initiative in January 1928, he associated himself with a much larger agenda Industry, schooling, urban construction and socialist indoctrination were to be prioritised. The state was to become more penetrative and the traditional attachments to religion and nationhood were to disappear. Whether Stalin ever really supported Lenins NEP is essentially questioning whether Stalin intended manipulate the situation in the way that he did. Speaking out in support of the NEP he claimed Either we do it, or we shall be crushed, referring to the need to compete with western industrial levels. It is highly plausible, particularly given his industrial drive which remained for the entirety of his leadership, that Stalins belief that industrial supremacy superseded any economic compromises which may need to be made in order to achieve this. When the NEP wasnt proving to be as successful in producing an industrially prosperous nation, merely bringing it back from the poverty line, a change in strategy would seem to be an appropriate step. However, Stalin lived for Bolshevism  [13]  and the NEP was seen by many to be an interim measure  [14]  regardless. His support for the NEP was probably not due to the dubiously capitalist elements or the relinquishment of state control, b ut through a devotion to Lenin and belief in his ability to lead, the fact that supporting the NEP established him as part of the inner circle along with Bukharin, and therefore casting aside Trotsky and other detractors, was likely to have been an additional benefit of expressing his support for this policy. The NEP could not have been classified as a policy borne from strictly Communist principles, defying abolition of private property and centralisation of factories and production by the state elements of the Communist manifesto. This particular policy is a practical compromise of communist principles, deemed necessary in order to rescue the failing economy. In many ways, this may seem to suggest that communist economic management principles are conducive to a successful economy, with capitalist elements used as a rescue method. However, upon Stalins intervention in 1928, and the subsequent Five Year Plans, which projected capital goods were to increase by 161% and consumer goods by 83%, expectations which were surpassed, the opposite is thus suggested. The question whether a state directed economy or a free-market produce the most successful economy is one which is virtually impossible to answer, given the instability, and varying contributing factors to the economy in question. Howev er, the NEP, whilst not strictly adhering to Communist principles, and thus irritating the Left Opposition and other strict factions of the Communist party, undeniably rescued the economy in the wake of War Communism, whether it could have been saved in another way is a different question, yet the NEP remains a practical concession which arguably must have been made in order to go on to implement other aspects of Communism. As Lenin said, We are taking one step backward to later take two steps forward. The notion of collective farming had existed since the Russian Revolution, yet it was under Stalins rule, and in reaction to the Grain Crisis, that collectivisation as a policy really took hold and was implemented on serious levels. The unpopularity which requisitioning of the apparent missing grain had had led to a lower grain production, primarily due to hoarding and illegal transfers. By November 1929, the central committee had elected to implement accelerated collectivisation in the form of kolkhozes and Sovkhozes. A primary example of the escalation which Stalins ending of the NEP allowed, collectivisation was in principle in keeping with the Communist ideal. However, the manner in which it was done, and the consequences which unfolded after and the subsequent management must be evaluated in terms of whether the actions taken were deviations from Marxist-Leninism, or the implementation of a long held policy. The Communist manifesto states that cultivation of waste lands improvement of the soil equal liability for all to work [and] agricultural armies are a key part in communism, similarly the 1919 party programme specified that all the working masses without exception must be induced to take part in the work of state administration  [15]  . Whilst collectivisation was not specifically mentioned, the idea of complete state ownership of the land with all agricultural workers working together for a common goal remained prevalent. The Kolkhoz charter, produced in 1930, establishes the kolkhoz as a form of agricultural production cooperative of peasants that voluntarily unite for the purpose of join agricultural production based on collective labour and goes on to assert that the kolkhoz is managed according to the principles of socialist self-management, democracy and openness, with active participation of the members in decisions concerning aspects of internal life  [16]  . This pro jected utopia appears to be similar to the one which Lenin himself advocated, as Grant says Lenin always advocated the collectivisation of agriculture gradually and by voluntary means. But he never entertained the mad idea that millions of scattered peasant holdings could be forced to collectivise overnight at gun-point. Collectivisation was to take place through example. The peasant was to be convinced by patient argument and through the setting up of model collective farms and the introduction of the latest modern technology, tractors, fertilisers, electricity and schools  [17]  . However, by the end of 1928, the number of collective farms was only at 33,300, with only 2.3% of sown area in collective use. Following Stalins policy of forced collectivisation this figure rose to 85,900 collective farms, and 33.6% of sown area in collective use by 1930  [18]  , and by 1938 there were 242,400 collective farms and 99.8% of sown area in collective use  [19]  . However, a key element of the kolkhozes was the voluntary nature of them, and in order to achieve such figures, Stalin embarked on a policy of forced collectivisation, leading to estimated figures of 4 to 10 million deaths due to the poverty which ensued and the violence used to maintain this. The utopia spoke of in literary works couldnt have been more different to the manifestation of collectivisation under Stalin. Despite the high prediction levels, the first four years of forced collectivisation failed to produce, and there was indeed a fall in agricultural production which in turn led to famine. Bad production, combined with drought and arguably as a consequence of severe animosity towards the policy meant that Stalin and the authorities only persisted to increase the use of violence, implementing more grain seizures and further blaming of the class kulaks for every shortfall. In July 1929, it was official policy that terror should be avoided and that kulaks as well as the majority of peasantry ought to be enlisted in collective farms. By December 1929 Stalin announced that kulaks should be banned from becoming collective farm workers.  [20]  Stalin himself prior to this announcement had condemned the class as a whole in Pravda in November of that year saying Now we have the opportunity to carry out a resolute offensive against the kulaks, break their resistance, eliminate them as a clas s and replace their production with the production of kolkhozes and Sovkhozes Now dekulakisation is being undertaken by the masses of poor and middling peasant masses themselves who are realising total collectivisation. Now dekulakisation in the areas of total collectivisation is not just a simple administrative measure. Now dekulakisation is an integral part of the creation and development of collective farms. When the head is cut off, no-one wastes tears on the hair.  [21]  . Two months after this chillingly brutal article, the Politburo approved the liquidation of kulaks as a class. Estimates suggest that about a million kulak families (totally around five million people) were sent to the forced labour camps, or the Gulags as they were more commonly known  [22]  . Due to the kulaks only making up 1-2% of the Soviet population, and being increasingly hard to identify, the Soviet government began to cut off food rations to other social classes, particularly those where ther e was some degree of collectivisation, for example in the Ukraine. This policy can be linked to the Holodomor famine, which has repeatedly been linked to suspected genocide towards the Ukrainian people, or in a more pragmatical way, as a consequence of the economic policies implemented. The Ukraine was not alone, with the Soviet Union as a whole suffering from a famine in 1932-3. Widely negated as anti-communist propaganda, and denied even in western media at the time, the cycle of forced collectivisation and relinquishment and requisition of crops, poor pay (by 1946, 30 percent of Kolkhoz paid no cash for labour at all, 10.6 percent paid no grain, and 73.2 percent paid 500 grams of grain or less per day worked  [23]  ), hoarding which then led to a shortfall of grain production, which then instigated another requisition of grain. In an attempt to prevent the hoarding, the Law of the Spikelets was enacted on August 7, 1932, and confiscation of unlimited amounts of grain from pea sant households was allowed. Taking food was considered theft of socialist property and could result in punishment by death, or a ten-year prison sentence. Even children could be shot for picking up leftover grain in the fields. 125,000 sentences were passed for this particular offence in the bad harvest period from August 1932 to December 1933  [24]  . The corruption and brutality of the Soviet government extended beyond human lives, with the prices paid for produce hardly changing between 1929 and 1953, meaning that the State did not pay even one third of the cost of production, charging wholesalers 335 rubles for 100 kg of rye, but paid the kolkhoz roughly 8 rubles. The business of collectivisation proved to be a massive money-making experience for the Soviet government, and one which looked set to continue to prosper, for the State at least, for a great many years. As until 1969, all children born on a collective farm were forced by law to work there as adults unless they we re specifically given permission to leave, which as is to be expected, was very rarely. Despite the October revolution aiming to release the peasants from the hold of the bourgeoisie, a system of neo-serfdom existed, where the Communist bureaucracy replaced the former landowners. As Trotsky criticised, In these conditions an exaggeratedly swift collectivisation took the character of an economic adventure  [25]  . Whilst Trotsky should be expected to criticise Stalin, Service agrees predominantly with Trotskys assertion; social and ideological goals would also be served through mobilisation of the peasants in a cooperative economic enterprise which would produce higher returns for the State and could serve a secondary purpose of providing social services to the people. Thus, the policy of collectivisation and the devastation which it reaped struggles to be seen as merely a practical implementation of the collectivisation policy spoken of by Marx and Lenin. Indeed, the voluntary n ature of the initial policy hadnt produced much support, but the manner in which this support was forced upon the Soviet people, produced even less. The brutal nature of the policies and punishments and lack of acknowledgement of the effects forced a wedge between the peasants and the Soviet government. The utopia depicted within the Marxist-Leninism ideal of collectivisation, and whilst this may have not been achievable in practical terms, Stalins alternative, deviated so much from the basic principle of what collectivisation is that it became unidentifiable. It wasnt enough to simply apply an outcome to achieve the utopia, the philosophy and methods, i.e. the voluntary nature, had to be broadly shared amongst the Soviet people. As it was, the lack of this fundamental practice turned the whole policy into a variant of the serfdom which Communism strove to eliminate and thus undermined the notion of Stalinism being a practical implementation of Marxist-Leninism ideas. The key issue within collectivisation was the replacement of the old bourgeoisie with the bureaucrats of the Soviet government. The rise of bureaucracy was clearly an issue, as there was an increase in the difference between the living standards of the working class and the upper layers of the bureaucracy in particular  [26]  . Comprised primarily by the poor economic state of the working class in consequence of collectivisation, yet the bureaucrats acquisition of wealth furthered this gulf, the Soviet state began to represent the antithesis of what Marx and Lenin had proposed. Whilst it is generally acknowledged that those at the top of the party benefited financially and personally from their role, potentially leading to corruption and manipulation of their own purpose, it becomes interesting to see how such an issue developed. As early as 1920, Lenin said that ours is a workers state with bureaucratic deformations  [27]  , hauntingly similar parallels can be drawn with the policy of collectivisation. Issues which were around, and in some cases encouraged, during Lenins time, found themselves becoming colossal under the reign of Stalin. Whether the bureaucratisation of the party apparatus was simply an extension of Lenins own leadership, whether it would classify as a deviation or whether it was indeed a wholly new policy, must be examined. The Leninist programme for 1917 included the following points regarding state and bureaucracy: the discontinuance of the police and the standing army, abolition of the professional bureaucracy, elections for all public positions and offices, revocability of all officials, equality of bureaucratic wages with workers wages, the maximum of democracy, peaceful competition amongst parties within the soviets and abolition of the death penalty. As the Italian revolutionary Berneri says prior to his death in 1937, Not a single one of these points in this programme has been achieved.  [28]  Whilst Berneri was heavily critical of Stalin as a leader and so his judgement may be impacted by his own dislike for the man, several elements of the Leninist programme were undeniably ignored, or at least undermined, by the actualities of Stalinist bureaucracy. In a speech in 1931, Stalin spoke of the happy life of the people of the Soviet Union. At this time the workers living standards were sub-sta ndard, and the wages of the workers remained depressed throughout the 1930s, despite the colossal gains of the first two Five Year Plans. Yet the happy life was a reality for millions of officials in the state and Communist party; they lived very well. In addition to the other privileges of provisions and lodgings, a new network of closed distributors was established and restaurants were reserved for the use of high Communist or non-Party officials. Then special state shops were set up for their exclusive use. In these shops one could buy anything and everything but at prices no worker could afford  [29]  . This development created an upper class in a state where there was to be no class divisions, with Lenins maximum of democracy aimed to prevent such a sector developing. Lenin saw that the existence of wage differentials was a survival of capitalism that would tend to disappear as society moved towards socialism. The development of the productive forces would be accompanied by a general improvement of living standards and the inequalities would tend to decrease.  [30]  Despite the chasm of difference between Lenins envisaged state and Stalins realisation, Lenin himself admitted that the state he lead did include bureaucratic deformations. However the deformations were trivial compared to the tiered state which formed in consequence of Stalins encouragement. His dictatorship style of leadership, which allowed him to weed out the members of the Party which disagreed with him allowed him to create a circle of peers who were able to reap the benefits which collectivisation and industrialisation allowed. The crux of the argument rests within the debate of whether Marxist-Leninism was ever a foreseeable policy and whether there was an alternative Communist state than the one which Stalin oversaw. Several key historians claim that Stalins actions were the inevitable continuation of Leninism and there is some evidence to support this. Richard Pipes declares Stalinism the natural consequence of Leninism, as Stalin faithfully implemented Lenins domestic and foreign policy programmes  [31]  . Edvard Radzinsky similarly acknowledges that Stalin, as he claimed himself, was the real follower of Lenin  [32]  . Robert Service, whilst on the whole condemning the extent of Stalins rule concedes that personally he remained devoted to Lenin and his rule and conserved and reinforced the Leninist regime and this was reflected in Stalins whole-hearted attempts to elevate the memory of Lenin to somewhat of a deity and his development and insistence of Marxist-Leninism. It was under Stalins cont rol which the notion of a Marxist-Leninist ideology was popularised. Indeed the Civil War measures implemented by Lenin introduced the idea of the Red Terror and developed internment camps, Lenin was the instigator of Article 58 in 1927 which condoned the arrests of those suspected of counter-revolutionary activities. The autocratic system within the Communist party was too developed by Lenin  [33]  . Lenins ban on factions within the Russian Communist party and introduction of the one-party state in 1921 allowed Stalin to get rid of his rivals easily. In many ways, Stalin can be seen to have utilised Lenins tools; the exclusion of alternative ideologies from public life was strengthened, instruments of dictatorship, terror and a politicised judiciary were furthered with Stalins reliance upon the Gulags and trails of political competitors, such as Bukharin and Trotsky. The states economic control, whilst substansial since the Civil war, was tightened dramatically In particular, the notion of continuing the despotism evident in the earlier Soviet period, the brutal nature of the fighting within the Civil War and October Revolution providing prime examples, is clear in the use of terror as a method of control in the first two decades of Stalins rule. However there are significant criticisms saying that Stalins deviations disfigured Marxist-Leninism beyond recognition. As Roy Medvedev says one could list the various measures carried out by Stalin that were actually a continuation of anti-democratic trends and measures implemented under Lenin in so many ways, Stalin acted, not in line with Lenins clear instructions but in defiance of them. Likewise, Isaac Deutscher, in his biography on Trotsky claims that only the blind and deaf could be unaware of the contrast between Stalinism and Leninism  [34]  . A more modern criticism comes from Graeme Gill, Stalinism was not a natural flow-on of earlier developments; it formed a sharp break resulting from conscious decisions by leading political actors  [35]  . The totalitarian perspective that the negative facets of Stalinism were inherent in Communism from the start is perpetually undermined by attempts to distance Stalinism from Leninism; Trotsky